MethodologyClues to George MasonPublic SpacesDomestic SpacesInterpretive PeriodRecommended ObjectsArt BeverageFood ServiceFurnitureHeatingDecorationUtensilsFile NamesShort titlesCredits



The personal category encompasses a wide variety of subcategories, ranging from shaving equipage to items related to tobacco usage. For purposes of this study, “personal” was assigned as a category to objects which were directly used, owned, or worn by a person as a reflection of personal adornment, health, hygiene, or individual activities. Generally, all items in these sub-categories seem to be under counted based upon a general understanding of elite 18th-century life styles. It is interesting to speculate why these items might not have been included in inventories. In virtually all personal subcategories, the objects in question are small enough to be stored in drawers, cupboards, or closets. For example, GILMOR82 lists a “shaving box, ink piece, pen knife & hone” and “1 razor strop & 2 raxors & case” in the dining room closet.(1) While the example quoted here illustrates that not every inventory taker ignored items in storage, such meticulous attention to detail does seem to have been the exception rather than the rule.

It is also possible that some objects which occur in this category are hidden in other types of listings within inventories. Items related to clothing such as buttons and buckles, for example, might well have been incorporated into such all purpose listings as “the deceased's wearing apparel,”or simply “wearing apparel.”(2) In the same way, items such as snuff boxes which might have been made of silver would have disappeared into the all too common listing of household silver as so many ounces of plate.

Also affecting the listing of some types of personal objects may have been the tendency for items, such as watches and jewelry, to be given as gifts either prior to death or by specific bequests in wills. At the other end of the spectrum would have been articles considered to have little value. In such cases, for instance with pens or clay pipes, very few examples are recorded.

Further complicating the problem is the fact that many of these items were used in facets of 18th-century life, such as bathing and grooming, which are inadequately understood today and have yet to be explored in-depth by modern scholars. Even objects, such as watches, for which a substantial body of secondary literature exists, represent highly specialized area of knowledge which required more time and specific attention than permitted by this study. One subcategory “clothing” was found to be so large and specialized that the decision was made that it not be considered in this report. However, clothing items have been entered into the database, so that a separate report on this topic can be produced at a future date.

Because of the difficulties discussed above, all subcategories found within this category include the caveat that additional in-depth research will be needed before detailed, or in some cases, any, recommendations can be made. In a few subcategories, specific Mason ownership is either documented or implied. In those instances, basic recommendations are made, but even there, it is likely that additional work will be needed.


Included in this subcategory are articles which helped an individual with physical problems such as poor sight, loss of mobility, or deafness. Items which fit into this subcategory make up a small part of the goods imported by regional merchants. Wallace, Davidson & Johnson of Annapolis included “temple” spectacles in different grades and walking sticks of assorted types, including rattan and sword canes, among the goods they ordered from England in the early 1770s.(3) A single walking cane valued at 10 was listed as part of the 1775 store inventory of the Alexandria firm of Jenifer & Hooe.(4) Two years later “dutch spectacles,” “temple spectacles with cases,” and “jointed spectacles” were among the goods they were able to import despite the ongoing Revolutionary War.(5)

As with all types of goods, these items were sometimes special ordered. Dr. Charles Carroll, in writing to his son in London noted that:

I want for an Acquaintance of yours a pair of Temple Spectacles to Suit An Age from fifty five to Sixty five as they & glasses may last so long I mean the glasses to Suit that age; let there be Two pair of Spare glasses and let the Grooves wherein the glasses go to be full Deep & Sufficient to hold the glasses & the Screws Strong to open & close the glass places, you will look out for the best Optick Shop for such, . . . If I like, I may when I want send for a pair for my self but let these be very good.(6)

What was surely a custom ordered walking stick was received by the Virginia firm of John Norton & Sons. Among the goods enumerated in an August 1770 invoice as “1 Clouded walking Cane with an Amber head and black silk string.”(7)

Personal aids of various types occur in 34% of Rural Elite Inventories (REI). Broken down by type, canes are found in 12% of REI with an average of 1.6 per household having the type (HHT), spectacles in 20% with an average of 2, and speaking trumpets in 8% with an average of 1.

Among the family inventories, only ELBCK65 lists objects from this subcategory. His inventory lists a pinchbeck headed cane and two pair of old spectacles.

Documentary evidence shows that George Mason relied upon such objects during his lifetime. His correspondence makes frequent reference to his continuing difficulties with gout. On at least one occasion, he was reduced to using crutches, noting in a letter to a friend “. . . I am really so weak at present that I can't walk without crutches and very little with them.”(8) From this information, it is not a difficult leap to assume that even in better times Mason may have sometimes relied upon the help of a cane or walking stick. From his own hand we know that Mason used spectacles to enhance his vision. In a letter to his son George Jr., he wrote:

I have since received . . . a pr of Spectacles, . . . the spectacles suit me as exactly as if I had chosen them myself, and have enabled me to read & write with much more Ease, than I cou'd do with those I before used.(9)

There is no evidence that Mason experienced difficulties with his hearing as he aged.

Specialized Form / Requires Additional Research

Cane: 1

Crutches: 1 pair

Spectacles: 2-3 pair



Fashions in hairstyles were often reflected in wigs, a modish accessory during much of the eighteenth century. The way one wore one's hair was an integral part of the presentation of self for both male and female members of Chesapeake society. Tutor Philip Fithian thought the state of his hair important enough to record in his diary in July of 1774 that, “I was waked by Sam the barber thumping at my Door--I was dressed--In Powder too; for the purpose to see & dine with Miss Jenny Washington to Day.” Later the same summer, in describing the participants at a local ball, he noted of a Miss Ritchie that “her Hair was done up neat, without powder, it is very Black & Set her to good Advantage.”(10) Another observer of the Virginia scene, traveler Robert Hunter, wrote of a young woman that “Her head was beautifully ornamented with fine feathers and delightfully dressed.” He then commented that “The hairdresser had good employment at the extravagant price of 106 each.”(11)

Hair ornaments and wigs were among the goods sold and purchased by merchants and consumers. As the Hunter quote shows, women wore a variety of different types of hair ornaments. Ornamental combs ranged in elaboration from those made of ivory and tortoise shell to examples like the “womans fashionable comb to ware in her hair set with Paste” ordered by Henry Fitzhugh in 1770.(12) Artificial flowers and feathers “for the head” were ordered for resale by regional merchants. Sold locally were Aigrettes (egrets), ornamental sprays in imitation of egret feathers, made of various materials were also sold locally..(13)

Men were not immune to the wish to have stylish hair. Four yards of black ribbon “to tie mens hair” was among the goods shipped to Col. Thomas Jones in 1759.(14) Wigs were perhaps the ultimate male hair fashion statement. One enterprising Glasgow wig maker solicited American clients directly. In May of 1745, Thomas Clendinning “Wig-Maker” advertised in the Virginia Gazette that he:

UNDERTAKES to furnish all the GENTLEMEN in Virginia, that are pleased to favour him with their Commands, in WIGS of all Sorts and Fashions . . . He is always possess'd of a large Stock of the best HAIRS of all Colours; and, as he proposes to keep the best Workmen in his Employ, and to regulate his Fashions by the present Mode at LONDON, he makes no Doubt of giving entire Satisfaction both in the Goodness and Cheapness of his WORK, which will be considerably under the London Prices.

He then listed “Fair Bob Wigs, Grizled Brigadier Wigs and Roses, Grizled Spencer Wigs and Roses, Grizled Bobs, Long and Short, Brown Brigadier and Spencer Wigs, Black Bobs and Black Naturals, Pale and Brown Bobs” as well as “all Sorts for BOYS” as the types he offered for sale.(15) Charles Carroll of Carrollton, on at least one occasion, ordered his wigs directly from England, noting that he wished to be sent “1 Bob and 1 [Coe?] or bag wig the colour of light granite.” In added instructions he was very specific,

do not send a round Bob but let it be a peaking behind, I hate a Bushy wigg, let not mine be too full of hair, my measure is as follows 24 Inches round, 17 do deep, 12 do long.(16)

Wigs could also be purchased locally. Among the goods sent to Norfolk merchant Neil Jamieson, in March of 1761, were four dozen wigs of different styles and grades, as well as 15 yards of black ribbon and “12 Silk Wig Bags.”(17)

Were one to rely upon the inventory numbers alone, the obvious conclusion would be that members of Elite Chesapeake families gave little thought to the state of their heads. Wigs and wig accessories, which include items such as wig boxes, holders, powdering equipment, and curling tongs are found in only 8% of Rural Elite Inventories (REI). It is possible that waning fashion for wigs at the end of the period sampled is reflected in the absence of such items in the inventories which date from the end of the sample. Surely, however, objects which were so closely associated with a fashionable presentation of self through most of the eighteenth century were present in a greater number of homes than the inventory statistics suggest. Combs, not differentiated between those for grooming and those for ornament, are found in only 4% of REI. Again, this number must reflect a serious undercount of these objects.

Among the family inventories, only two (40%) have items which fall into this subcategory. ELBCK65 listed a powder box and two horn combs and MASON97 included two comb boxes, one of tin and one of cherry.

Fortunately, John Mason, in his recollection of his childhood at Gunston Hall reminisced:

When I first remember [my father?] he wore a Wig--as I believe he did long before--it was a club wig-with curls at the Sides that is the straight hair was turned up behind & collected in what was called a Club and tied with a black ribbon--he had several of these-and one was always kept ready dressed & powdered in a Box for exchange.

He does add however, that Mason had let his hair grow out “for many years before his death.”(18) Frustratingly, John Mason provides no clues allowing for the interpretation of “many years.” Another reference to Mason's concern with styling his hair and wigs is found in his 1769 written request to George Washington which added a pair of “Toupee Tongs” to a list of items Washington was commissioned to purchase in Williamsburg for Mason.(19) In addition, ivory and horn combs, 2 each, were among the goods purchased by George Mason at the Glassford Piscataway store in August of 1766.(20)

As with all of the objects in this category, specialized research will be required to expand upon the minimal recommendations made here. Consideration must be given to the number, gender, and ages of the members of the Mason household during the interpretative period. Changing fashions through out Mason's lifetime must also be taken into account.

Specialized Forms / Require Additional Research (SF/RAR)

Combs: SF/RAR; at least 2 ivory, 2 horn

Toupee Tongs: 1

Wigs: 1-2

Wig Accessories: SF/RAR

Women's Hair Accessories: SF/RAR



The items in this subcategory reflect both the concerns of fashion, i.e., the prevailing style for Elite men to be clean shaven, and a steadily growing concern for improved personal hygiene. Like the rest of the personal category, these items appear to be under represented in the inventory database.

Certainly, the documentary evidence for razors and shaving accessories suggests that they were readily accessible through the commercial trade of the day. The firm of Wallace, Davidson & Johnson included three and a half dozen razors of various grades ranging from “common” to three types of more costly “cast steel” in their order for 1771. All were to come with cases.(21)

In their order of the following year, they requested “straps with 2 best hook'd Razors in them” as well as best and common razors and razor straps.(22) Razors were also among the goods imported by John Norton & Sons. In May 1771, a dozen “black Scale Razors” of two different grades and a half dozen “Razor Hones” were among the goods they sent for the firm of Jerdone and Holt.(23)

Razors and shaving accessories occur in 58% of Rural Elite Inventories (REI), with an average of 3 items per households having type (HHT). Compared to many other sub groups in this category, this seems like a high number; however, considering that the vast majority of Elite men would have been clean shaven, the number should, in fact, be closer to 100%. Among the family inventories, only ELBCK65 contains examples of these types of objects. His inventory lists “15 common razors & cases & 3 old razor strops & hones.”

Fortunately, John Mason's recollections provide clear evidence that razors and their accompanying accessories were part of George Mason's life. John wrote that his father “always shaved himself - and used to shave his whole head which was covered by the Wig twice a week. . . .”(24) While this quote highlights the need for the inclusion of razors and related paraphernalia among the furnishings of Gunston Hall, it does not provide enough information for a detailed recommendation. Like the other types of objects in this category, additional, subject specific research will be needed.

Specialized Form / Requires Additional Research (SF/RAR)

Razors: Multiple

Strop, Hone, etc: Multiple

Other types of objects in this subcategory are toothpick cases, soap boxes, nail cutters, patch boxes, and tooth brushes. While all of these appear sporadically in both the inventory and documentary materials gathered for this project, there are too few references from which to draw adequate conclusions about their commonality in Chesapeake society. Specialized research needs to be done on this topic.



The urge to adorn oneself with jewelry made of shiny metals and sparkling stones is practically as old as human civilization. In the eighteenth century, goldsmiths and jewelers found a ready market among members of the elite members of Chesapeake society. Sometimes these objects were intended strictly as ornamentation, a means of displaying wealth and a knowledge of fashion through the wearing of earrings, necklaces, pins, rings, buttons, and buckles. Such pieces of jewelry were gifts which served as tokens of affection between parents and children or husbands and wives. Other examples, particularly rings, could be expressions of mourning for deceased loved ones. The idea of “mourning” jewelry engraved with the name or initials and date of death of an individual seems a particularly alien concept today. However, scholar Martha Gandy Fales notes that:

In the colonial period . . . death was ever present . . . Mourning jewelry provided a tangible link to the souls who had gone before and served as a constant reminder to the wearer of the fragility of their own human mortality.(25)

Some jewelry items were part of a store's regular line of merchandise, while other pieces were custom ordered. In 1771, one Annapolis merchant firm stocked “childrens cheap paste buttons” as well as lockets, combs, “neat paste egrets,” pairs of “gilt” sleeve buttons, garnet rings, “gold night earrings,” “garnet shirt buckles,” knee, shoe, and stock buckles.(26) The next year their order included what was clearly a custom piece of jewelry, described as “1 Genteel Locket set with Cyphers in hair, the Grey on one side in a Tree & the Black on the other side in a Cypher of the same size . . .(27) In July 1773, they requested that “Two genteel handsome, good Stone Rings Enaml'd with white, the Inscription on them to be Thomas Bordley Died 20 May 1771 aged 16 years . . .” to be “Sent by the first Opportunity.”(28)

Like other objects in this category, jewelry items appear to have been under counted. Buckles which must have made up a part of every gentleman's wardrobe should have close to a 100% occurrence, yet are listed in only 38% of Rural Elite Inventories (REI). Among REI that have buckles, the average is 7.7. Costume historians should be consulted to determine how many and what types of buckles would have typically been an expected part of a gentleman's wardrobe in the Chesapeake. Buttons are also part of this subcategory. In the REI group, they are listed in only the Price George's county inventories. There they appear in 8 of 19 inventories (42.1%) with an average of 22.8 per households having the type (HHT). Again, like buckles, one would expect ownership of buttons to approach 100%.

Other jewelry forms such as rings, broaches, lockets, etc., occur in only a few households in the REI group. An explanation for the scant appearance of these forms is probably found in the fact that some items like rings were often bequeathed in wills or passed on to others during the lifetime of the deceased. Either eventuality would have resulted in their absence from the probate record. In addition, some pieces of jewelry were probably considered the personal property of other individuals living in the house and therefore not included in the inventory.

Both the written record and surviving objects provide a glimpse, through undoubtedly incomplete, of Mason family ownership. The Piscataway Glassford store accounts show that Mason purchased a “Gold Brotch Set with Garnet” in 1766. The following year, he bought 2 necklaces costing 3 and pence, a French paste necklace costing roughly four times the price of each of the other two, and “1 sett fine shoe and knee buckles.”(29) Several years later, Mason asked a favor of friend and neighbor George Washington. While in Williamsburg, Washington was to purchase “two pr. Gold snaps . . . for my little Girls . . . small rings with a joint in them, to wear in the Ears, instead of Earrings.” Washington was apparently successful for his financial papers show that on May 10, 1769 he paid a pound cash for “2 pr. of Snap Earrings for Colo. Mason.”(30) In his will, Mason acknowledged the power of jewelry to convey an emotional legacy by leaving mourning rings to five friends and family members.(31) Another member of the family also bequeathed specific items of jewelry in her will. Sarah Eilbeck, George Mason's first mother-in law, left a diamond ring to her eldest Mason grandson, an emerald ring “set round with sparks” to her granddaughter Sarah, a similar “stone” ring to granddaughter Mary, and “two plain rings: to granddaughter Elizabeth.”(32)

A number of small items of jewelry are among items which have descended through the

Mason family. Several mourning rings, three of which are in the collection of Gunston Hall, commemorate the deaths of both Ann and George Mason. A 1961 reference in the Masoniana files records what may well have been a mourning locket containing a lock of Ann Eilbeck Mason's hair; however, the whereabouts of this piece is currently unknown. Two rings, apparently based on an early 18th-century family seal, set with diamonds and rubies are in the collection of Gunston Hall. According to family tradition, they were gifts from George Mason to his daughters Mary Thomson Mason Cooke and Sarah Mason McCarty. Also among extant family pieces are two seals, one in the form of a watch fob and the other currently set into a ring. Both are carved in unusual stones in designs incorporating part of the Mason coat of arms.(33) It should be noted here that for purposes of this report, seals not associated with watches are discussed under the heading of Personal-Writing.

Among the five family inventories, only ELBCK65 has listings for objects which fall within this subcategory. His inventory includes large quantities of buttons and 2 pair of brass buckles. None of the Mason inventories show any listings for these or other jewelry items.

While it is clear that various jewelry items would have been owned by various members of the Mason family living at Gunston Hall, it is impossible to address this subcategory on the basis of the inventory study alone. Although family documents and objects provide some clues, it is clear that in depth, specialized research will be needed before detailed recommendations can be made. As with all of the subcategory items discussed in this section, the number, gender, and ages of the various individuals residing at Gunston Hall during the interpretative period should be taken into account when making recommendations. Jewelry, as a strong evocation of personal taste, is an area of interpretation which should rely heavily first upon extant Mason family pieces and the Mason documentary evidence. Only after these items are carefully researched and fully understood should additional period forms be considered for inclusion among the personal items displayed as part of the furnishing of Gunston Hall. The issue of security will probably always limit jewelry items displayed in the mansion to modern reproductions.

Specialized Form / Requires Additional Research (SF/RAR)

Jewelry: Multiple examples



Illness and injury were a very real part of everyday life in eighteenth-century America. Indeed, the concern for the health of loved ones is a constant refrain threading its way through almost any type of personal diary or correspondence throughout the century. Such matters were experienced first hand, since all health care was given at home. Take for example the account of Frances Baylor Hill of the illness and subsequent death of a family member.

(Wednesday) Sister Polly was very ill all day Aunt Temple, Aunt Hill & several of the Neighbours came to see her, and ! Oh the distress we were all in, expecting every minute to be her last, just in that condition she continued all night I set up the whole night and never clos'd my eyes. (Thursday) a little better in the morning. But Oh how soon the pleasing hop vanish'd into dispair of her ever geting well, she continu'd extreemly ill all day, toward the evening she seemed to be a little better, but in the night she grew worse again and Poor Dear creature kept growing worse & worse untill about 5 oclock which was the hour of her departure . . . no mortal can describe the distressing scean that follow'd after everything being done by two very eminent Doctors & haveing had the bed of nursing. . . .(34)

Doctors were few and far between and the practice of medicine was often the ongoing burden of the master and mistress of the household. Medicines and medical instruments made up a significant part of the yearly purchases of those Chesapeake households that could afford to buy these goods.

The poor quality of the medicines received was a common lament. Charles Carroll of Carrollton, writing of himself in the third person, complained:

Mr. Carroll having been frequently emposed on by haivng bad medicine sent into the great danger of his family & Slaves, he desires Mr. Hobson will purchase the above Medicines at Apothocarys Hall . . . Bad medicines are often sent into this country to Consequence of an Invoice being made in English. But the person of whom the medicines are bought is desired to observe that this Invoice is translated from one wrote by an Eminent Physician in this Province and who constantly attends Mr. Carroll and his family.

The list of medicines ordered was extensive and the quantities were large:

4 Ozs. Tarter Emetic
½ pound Powdered Ipacacuhna
10 lbs Epsom Salts
6 lbs Glauber salts
4 oz Opium
2 lbs Spt. Lavender
2 lbs Spt Hartshorn
1 lbs Spt Vitrol
1 lbs Elixir of Vetrol
2 Lbs Manna
6 lbs Powdered Bark
6 lbs Gross Bard
½ [lbs] Powdered Rhubarb
1 lbs Magnisia Ellba
1 lbs Spanish Flies
2 lbs [Mililoter?] Plaister
2 lbs Turners Cerat
½ lbs Diachylin Plaister with Gumms
½ lbs Valerian Powdered
2 lbs white Ointment
1 lb Tincture [Electury]
4 lbs [Oxymel] of Squills
2 lbs Cinnamon Water
1 lbs Venice Treacle
1 lbs of Cream Tartar
2 Doz. Gallipots
6 doz. Phials sorted with Corks(35)

Scattered throughout period documents are recipes and prescriptive treatments for various illnesses. In September of 1776, Robert Carter recorded, in his day book that “The following Decoction, is good in consumptive Cases, and was ordered by Doctor Brown, deceased, late of Maryland -- for Mrs. George Turberville, who communicated it to me.” Carter then copied directions for making a medicine from Jesuits Bark, Japan earth, “Gums of different sorts,” and water. It was to be made in an iron vessel and stored in the cellar. The patient was to take a wine glass size portion of the mixture three times a day.(36)

Medicines and medical implements such as lancets, tooth drawers, and surgical instruments, are found in 38% of Rural Elite Inventories (REI). Given the common practice of self medication in 18th-century Elite households and the large quantities of drugs and related objects found in merchants records, etc., it is highly likely that this number fails to represent the actual frequency of occurrence. Among the family inventories, two (40%), MASON63 and ELBCK65 include parcels of medicine.

It is clear from surviving correspondence, that George Mason, like his contemporaries, expended a fair amount of thought and energy dealing with his own health problems as well as those of other members of his household.(37) Fortunately, the documentary record of purchases made by George Mason does provide some clues to the presence of medicines at Gunston Hall. Among the goods received by Mason from the firm of De Neufville & Son in 1780 were a variety of substances presumably intended for medical use including “Peruvian Bark, Turkish rabarber, Soccotrine alloes, Gumm Myrrh, Corrosive Sublimate Mercury, Red percipitate, Sal Amoniae, Tartar Emetic, Specacauma, Cantharides, Veneæ Treacle, Camphire, Mellilot plaister” as well as two dozen “Empty phials sorted,” and intended to hold various mixtures made from the medicines.”(38)

This 1780 order, though surely not representing the entirety of Mason's medical supplies, underscores the practice followed by many gentry planters of obtaining, stockpiling, and dispensing a wide variety of medicines. Specialized research into this important aspect of life in the 18th century will surely yield a detailed list of items for inclusion at Gunston Hall.

Specialized Form / Requires Additional Research (SF/RAR)

Medicines: Assorted

Medical Instruments, etc: Assorted



This subcategory is truly a catch-all. Included here are such diverse objects as umbrellas, tweezer cases, pocket knives, shoe horns, and Masonic regalia. Most of these objects in this subcategory are found in only one inventory each; however, umbrellas occur in 7 households or 14% of Rural Elite Inventories (REI) with an average and median of 1.

None of the family inventories contain any objects from this group; however, the miscellaneous nature of these items make them exactly the type of thing to have been overlooked in the inventory process. Some thought should be given to including a few examples of this sort of minutia of daily life among the furnishings at Gunston Hall.



Money, in the form of currency or coinage, was chronically in short supply in America during George Mason's lifetime. Given this reality, the low percentage of Rural Elite Inventories, (REI), (22%) which include money is probably, in this instance, much closer to actual occurrence than many of the other items in the Personal category. It is unlikely that inventory takers would have failed to include actual money in their tally. However, it is possible that family members hid or appropriated such an easily concealed asset or that money was hidden inadvertently by the deceased. As discussed in the section of this report which deals with furniture, money was sometimes concealed in secret compartments of desks. An example cited there bears repeating here. The executor of an estate noted that:

. . . on my moving a desk and bookcase out of a chamber . . . I head the rattling of money and aft much search and with the assistance of a Cabinet maker we found in a secret place a small sum of hard money consisting of five half Joes & as much silver which together made upwards of thirty pounds. . . .(39)

The only accessories related to money tallied in this subcategory were pocketbooks, purses, and wallets. The difference in these forms is not entirely clear, since at least one household, HPBRN74, includes listings for all three forms. Further attention should also be paid to the question of whether these forms were more often used for carrying important documents rather than monetary notes. This is certainly suggested by the description of a pocket book ordered by George Washington. He wanted “A Very neat Pocket Book 7 Inches long & 4 wide with several Vellum, or other Leaves that will bear writing thereupon with a Pencil, & rubbing out again - to have a Pencil therein, & a Pocket for two Papers. . . .(40) Also to be pursued is the possibility that some of these forms have uses which have no relationship to money. An order to be sent to Williamsburg milliner, Catherine Rathell, by John Norton & Sons, in 1771, was to include:

24 Very Neat Moroco Pocket Books some with Silver Edges & Pockets at Each Ends, one End with a Lock & Key, and some Stitched with Silver Wire from 15 to a Guinea, the[y] must be very handsome & have good Instruments
24 Smaller Do from 4ƒ6 to 10ƒ with Instruments(41)

As stated above, money occurred in 22% in REI. Given the diversity of coinage and monetary forms, in use during the eighteenth century, averages and medians were not considered applicable here. Pocketbooks, purses, and wallets were found in 18% of REI with an average of 2.4 and a median of 2. None of the family inventories include listings for money, and only ELBCK65 (20%) includes a listing for a pocketbook.

Documentary evidence tells us that George Mason, like most of his contemporaries, experienced money shortages from time to time. George Walker, local agent for the merchant firm of Huie Reid & Company, noted in a 1788 letter to his employers that he:

. . . went out to Gunston to dinner--Col. Mason said that his not Settling the Accot was purely owing to the want of money, and that we need not be uneasy as the first Cash that came to his hand he would pay it to you and if we chose would allow interest . . .(42)

Undoubtedly, George Mason, when possible, kept small amounts of actual currency on hand. He may well have also owned a pocketbook or some other form in which to keep money and documents such as tobacco notes or other forms of paper currency. As with the other sub-categories in this group, additional research is needed to make more specific recommendations.. To a certain degree, the final decision may hinge on interpretative rather than furnishing concerns.

Specialized Form / Requires Additional Research (SF/RAR)



Watches, though far from universal in the second half of the eighteenth century, were becoming an important part of the personal equipage necessary for elite gentlemen and, to a lesser degree, elite women. They were available either through custom order or through local merchants and craftsmen in a range of materials and with various degrees of elaboration in ornament and accessories. George Washington, in 1766, recorded the fitting of a watch with gold case and the repair of a gold chain, presumably to be used with the watch.(43)

Some of the best descriptions of period watches are found in advertisements offering rewards for the return of lost or stolen examples. A notice in the Maryland Gazette for September 5, 1757, reported the sad case of a watch “Taken out of Port Tobacco old Church.” Missing was “a Woman's GOLD WATCH, made by Foster, London; the Out-side Case of black Shagreen, the inside Case Gold Chas'd.” It had “a very fine double wash'd Pinch-beck Chain, a Gold Dial-Plate, a fine Stone Seal of Pinchbeck, double wash'd and an Egg of Gold to put sponge in.”(44) The following year William Savory advertised that he had lost his watch near the wharf in Baltimore. It was a “SILVER WATCH . . . made by W. Kipling, London, No. 2783,” with “ a Silver Seal hanging to a double ribb'd Ribbon, green on one side, and white on the other, with WS in a Cypher.”(45)

Personal accounts also provide some clues to the importance and appearance of watches. Virginian Robert Carter, in 1775, recorded in his day book that

George Cordell, Watch-maker- has just repaired two watches & a Clock, here--, and did the business masterly - one of ye said Watches, is a horizontal one, and I apprehend yt G-C- is well acquainted with the Horizontal movement -- I paid him three Dollars.(46)

A decade later, Carter ordered “6 Steel watch Keys, Small, different Sizes” and two silver watch seals. One was to bear his crest and the other his coat of arms, both to be “large, Cut Very deep.”(47)

Not surprisingly, watches as items of significant value are listed in 60% of Rural Elite Inventories (REI) by inventory takers. The average number is 1.6 and the median is 1. Seals listed with watches(48) are found in 16% of REI with both an average and median of 1. Watch keys were only listed in 8% of REI with an average of 1.7 and a median of 1. Even though watches are listed in a more substantial percentage of REI than many other items in this category, they are probably still under represented. Watches, like jewelry, are often bequeathed in wills. They may also have been given as gifts prior to the death of the individual whose estate was inventoried. It is also likely that watch seals and watch keys were among the small items tucked in drawers, chests, and closets and frequently overlooked in inventories.

Documentary evidence does provide some evidence to George Mason's use and taste in watches. In his will, which was written in 1773, he bequeathed to his son George “my gold watch which I commonly wear” and to his son William he left “my silver Watch, which I formerly used to wear. . . .”(49) Further information about Mason family watches is found in a 1783 letter from Mason to his son George who was then in France. In the letter he notes that “Mr. Henderson was so obliging, as to deliver Mrs. Mason's Watch himself; which she likes very well, and thanks you for your care in getting it done.”(50) A further probable clue to the appearance of this watch is found in an 1801 advertisement in the Alexandria newspaper. A Sarah B. Mason offers a twenty dollar reward for the return of a lost “large flat God french WATCH; a single case, which opens by a spring in the shank of the watch; the maker's name Brequet, of Paris; the motto round the dial plate is in Latin, “Rege momenta refle horae favebunt.”(51) George Mason also concerned himself about a watch for his son Thomas, in a 1791 letter to son John. In the letter Mason instructs John “you will give the proper directions about your brother Thomas's watch.”(52)

While none of these watches are currently known to survive, a watch seal is owned by a descendant of George Mason, Jr. The current owner described it in a letter as:

. . . a beautiful, heavy engraved fillgree gold seal designed to be worn . . . on a chain. This seal was given to me by my mother many years ago accompanied with a note telling me that it was worn and used by Gen. John Mason; it being a birthday gift from his father George Mason.

The bottom of this seal pendant is a green stone of some type to be used to make a sealing wax impression. The impression is of a 'a talbot, passant regardant Argent, eared and marked sable, holding in its mouth the horn of a stag proper.' This talbot appears as you know at the top of the Mason coat-of-arms.(53)

There is evidence to suggest that such seals may have been owned by more than one Mason male. Richard C. Mason, a Mason grandson, advertised in the Alexandria Gazette in 1852 for a lost watch chain with a gold seal attached. The seal was described as having “a coat of arms, the crescent upon which is a dog with a buck's horn in his mouth, surmounted with the motto, “Pro Republica Semper” engraved on the stone “which is a peculiar one.”(54) A similar seal, placed in a ring, survives in the hands of a descendant of George Mason's brother Thomson Mason of Raspberry Plain.(55)

Specialized Form / Requires Additional Research (SF/RAR)

Watches: 1 man's gold watch; 1 man's silver watch; 1 woman's gold watch (French)

Watch Seals: SF/RAR

Watch Keys: SF/RAR



The cultivation and sale of tobacco was the original underpinning for the economy of the Chesapeake region. By the middle years of the eighteenth century, it still played a significant role in the financial well-being of the region and in the lives of those at the top of the social and economic ladder. As a product to be consumed, tobacco during this period was either smoked in clay pipes or inhaled in the form of fine powdered snuff. Given the size and importance of the tobacco market, its usage must have been widespread. However, period references to its use in diaries and letters are scarce. Perhaps it was so much a part of everyday life that it was deemed not worth commenting upon.

Tobacco equipage was certainly bought and sold by regional merchants. The tobacco-related goods ordered by the Annapolis firm of Wallace, Davidson & Johnson in 1771 and 1772 included two types of pipes, “best Weston,” Arnolds, and “high scented perfum'd Rappee” snuff and snuff boxes in a wide range of types and prices. Among the snuff boxes ordered were “Japand”in two grades, various sizes and grades of paper boxes, boxes proclaiming the sentiments “Wilkes & liberty”and a half dozen “tortoise shell boxes.”(56)

Such goods were also ordered directly from England. Dr. Charles Carroll, in 1750, requested that “One Firkin of Tobacco pipes” be among the goods sent to him.(57)

Family members sometimes shopped for each other for these accessories to a fashionable life. Charles Carroll of Carrollton apparently purchased and sent to his mother a snuff box while he was in school abroad. He wrote that, “I hope it will please her; I think it a pretty one & of a very good taste its certainly the latest.” It may well have been this snuff box to which his mother referred when she wrote two years earlier, asking that he “Send . . . by yr Papa if you can some good Rappee to put in the Snuff Box you were to get for me.”(58)

Tobacco products and related objects--snuff, tobacco boxes, snuff boxes and bottles, etc.-- occur in 44% of Rural Elite Inventories (REI) with an average of 3.4. Tobacco and snuff containers constitute the most commonly listed items. Tobacco boxes are found in 16% of Rural Elite Inventories (REI) with an average and a median of 1. Snuff containers (boxes, canisters, bottles) are found in 26% of REI with an average of 4.6 and a median of 2.

Interestingly, there are no small quantity listings for tobacco pipes in the REI group. Most entries for pipes in the Gunston Hall Probate Inventory Database are for such large quantities that it suggests they were meant for resale. Another trend of note is that nearly all of the entries for pipes are found in those inventories occurring at the earliest end of the date range of the database. While by no means definitive, these findings raise several intriguing questions. Did pipe smoking fall out of favor as the century progressed? Did Elite families tend toward snuff usage rather than smoking? Were pipes considered to be of so little value in small quantities as to be overlooked by inventory takers?

Among the family inventories, only MASON86 includes items from this subcategory. His inventory lists 4 tobacco knives and 8 snuff bottles. It is unclear exactly what type of item is alluded to by the reference to “tobacco knives.”

Bottles of snuff and snuff boxes are among the documented items owned by George Mason. In 1766, four bottles of snuff were among the items purchased by Mason at the Glassford store in Piscataway. Not quite twenty years later, Mason thanked his son George, Jr. for the gift of a snuff box sent from France.(59)

Like most of the sub-groupings in this category, the use of tobacco in the eighteenth century with its accompanying accouterments is an area of study which will benefit from additional research.

Specialized Form / Requires Additional Research (SF/RAR)

Snuff Bottles: 4

Snuff Box: 1 British circa 1766; 1 French circa 1783



Writing, the act of recording information in a quasi-permanent form through mechanical means, was by no means a universal skill in the eighteenth century. However, for members of Elite families, writing was an important part of daily life. Correspondence with family and friends bridged distances made longer by bad roads, bad weather, and uncertain health. Letters dealing with financial and legal matters were exchanged on a regular basis. Political discourses, philosophical musings, and war-time strategies were committed to paper in the tumultuous years before, during, and after the American Revolution.

In the eighteenth century these activities required the use of paper, quill pens, and ink. Letters and documents were sealed for privacy with paper wafers or sealing wax. Financial transactions were recorded in specialized ledgers and account books. Taken all together, a wide variety of equipage was involved in the act of writing

Merchants' accounts illustrate the range of such goods. For example, the order for stationary goods placed by Wallace, Davidson & Johnson in the early 1770s were extensive. In April of 1771, a single order included:

6 small Leather Ink potts for the pocket 1ƒ4
3 nice green fish skin do 1ƒ6
1 doz. common paper do 8
4 Reams fine Cut Fools cap Paper 9ƒ
4 do Kings Arms do 10ƒ
3 do fine uncut Post do 15ƒ
2 do quarter Post do 7ƒ6
20 do uncut Pt sorted do
1 do whited brown wraping do 3ƒ6
6 quire paste boards
12. 2 quire broad plain Books 2ƒ
6. 4 quire do 3ƒ6
6. 4 quire long do 3ƒ6
12. 1 quire marble covered do 9ƒ
1 doz. neat paperfiles, for fileing Orders &c \_ 6ƒ
with different figures on each /
12 commonplace Books bound in calf for Lawers 24ƒ . . . .
6 memorandum Books with morocco covers 5ƒ
6 do do 6ƒ
1 doz. common marble covered do 1ƒ6
6 neat do do 2ƒ6
6 do do 4ƒ
2 M best vermillion wafers in Boxes 5ƒ
1 doz. best black In powder 9ƒ
1 doz. do red do 1ƒ
3 doz. Slates & Pencills, 3 sizes & 3 prises 6ƒ

(Page 8)
500 fine oild dutch quills @ 3ƒ
3 Reams sheathing Paper 5ƒ
1 M red wax 5ƒ
½ M black do 5ƒ6
2 setts Books bound in calf 28ƒ . . .
3 morocco paper Cases 2ƒ6
6 new week preparations 6
3 pewter Inkstands 14ƒ(60)

Sometimes, the orders were for very specific types of writing accessories. Among the goods ordered by Virginia merchant Littleton Savage in 1772 were a dozen each “wt flint” ink and sand potts “with brass caps for Desks.”(61)

To see how such goods entered the household environment, one need only peruse the Jones Family Papers. Over the course of the second half of the eighteenth century, their surviving accounts show numerous purchases of writing materials. Quires of writing papers usually bought in ones and two, papers of ink powder, the occasional pen knife necessary for trimming quill pens, wafers and sealing wax—all are found, year in and year out, scattered throughout the surviving financial records of this Virginia family.(62)

Writing materials are found in 54% of Rural Elite Inventories (REI). As with similar types of items which would have been stored out of sight when not in use, this percentage undoubtedly represents a serious under count. Given that an education was a prerequisite for participating in a genteel society, and that all the heads of households in the REI group would have needed to carry on both personal and business correspondence, ownership of writing materials should have been 100%. Within the listings which do occur, ink-related items (ink stands, pots, horns, bottles, cases, etc.) were found in 40% of REI with an average of 2.5. Pen knives were found in 18% with an average of 4.8 and a median of 1. Seals, not associated with watches, are found in 18% of REI with an average of 1.8 and a median of 2. Sealing wax and wafers are found in 10% of REI, with an average of approximately 1.5 and a median of 1. All other items in this subcategory are found in under 10% REI.

Writing accessories are found in three (60%) of the family inventories. MASON63, MASON86, and ELBCK65 all include ink holders. In addition, ELBCK65 lists a penknife and 1 silver and 9 brass seals.

Among the documentary material related to George Mason's acquisition of household goods are multiple examples of pen knife purchases.(63) The items he bought from the Glassford store in Piscataway, Maryland in 1766 also included papers of ink powder, a broken box of wafers, two lbs sealing wax, and a triangle silver seal. In 1769, he bought “2 fine patent pen cases.”(64) Mason also bought paper in large quantities. His account with the Glassford Piscataway store shows a purchase of a ream plus six quires of paper. In 1780, his shipment from De Neufville included a ream “best Writing paper” as well as two reams of “Coarser Dto.”(65)

The recommendations made below are very preliminary. Given the facts of Mason's personal, financial, and political life, writing materials would have been a necessary part of his daily life. Because these aspects of George Mason's history are of special interpretative significance, special attention should be paid to the inclusion of writing materials among the household furnishings at Gunston Hall. Such items would have been used up and replaced on a regular basis. Additional research will be needed to make accurate recommendations as to both forms and quantities.

Specialized Form / Requires Additional Research

Ink pot: 1-2

Ink powder: Multiple

Paper: Various grades, large quantities

Pen Case: 1

Pen Knife: Multiple

Seal: 1-2

Sealing Wax: Multiple

Wafers: Multiple

One additional type of object merits discussion in this category--the writing box or lap desk. A smaller version of the top section of what furniture scholars refer to as a desk on frame, these small personal writing desks are known through period survivals. Perhaps the most famous of these is the one, now in the collection of the Smithsonian's Museum of American History, upon which Thomas Jefferson composed the Declaration of Independence. It is difficult, however, if not impossible, to distinguish them from their larger cousins in period inventories. Only one “writing box” is included in the entire Gunston Hall Probate Inventory Database. Found in DWNMN81, it is listed with two other undescribed wooden boxes and all three are only valued at 26. Using the low value as a possible clue, a few other possible examples come to light. LEE76 included a writing “desk” valued at 3 and SMLLWD92 listed “1 very sorry old desk” valued at only 1. One can only speculate that if this was a full-sized desk, it was in extraordinarily bad condition to be valued so low. It should be noted here that for statistical purposes all of these examples were tallied under Furniture-Desk.

The issue of a writing box or lap desk is raised by George Mason's purchase in 1773 at the Belvoir sale of a desk valued at a mere 26. One can only theorize that based on value that this is a personal and portable form. Mason's need for such a form can certainly be postulated based upon his travels to Williamsburg, Richmond, and Philadelphia. Further research into this type of object is needed in order to successfully interpret George Mason's probable use of such an item.

Specialized Form / Requires Additional Research (SF/RAR)

Writing Box: 1

decorative element

1. Inventory of Robert Gilmour, Lancaster County, Virginia, Wills & Deeds #20, 20 February 1783, fol.251.

2. See BROWN89 “deceased waring [sic] apparel, saddle & bridle;” CHEW69 “the deceaseds wearing apparel of all sorts;” LNSDLE79 and WDWRD64 among others listing “deceaseds wearing apparel.”.

3. Order-Cutlery, August 1771, Order-Walking Sticks, 26 November 1771, Wallace, Davidson & Johnson Order Book, 1771-1774, Chancery exhibits 1773-1776, MSA no. 528-27, Maryland State Archives, Annapolis, p 32, 80.

4. “Inventory of sundry goods . . . Alexandria,” 1 January 1775, Hooe, Stone & Co., Invoice Book 1770-Jan. 1784, Rare Book Collection, New York Public Library. (microfilm no. 3005, Alderman Library, University of Virginia).

5. Invoice of May 12, 1777, Hooe, Stone & Co.

6. Account and Letter Books of Dr. Charles Carroll, Maryland Historical Magazine, 25 (September 1929): 257.

7. “Invoice of goods sent from London, 24 August 1770 by John Clayton, Account and Letter Books,” John Norton & Sons, Folder 32, PH-23, Special Collections, John D. Rockefeller, Jr. Library, Colonial Williamsburg Foundation.

8. Letter, George Mason to Mrs. John Moncure, 12 March 1764, in Robert Rutland, ed., The Papers of George Mason 1725-1792, 3 vols., (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1970) 1:59.

9. Letter to George Mason, Jr., 8 January 1783, Papers of George Mason, 3:760.

10. Philip Fithian, Journal and Letters of Philip Vickers Fithian A Plantation Tutor of the Old Dominion, 1773-1774, ed., Hunter Dickinson Farish, (Charlottesville: The University Press of Virginia, 1968), 135, 154.

11. Robert Hunter, Diary of Robert Hunter, Quebec to Carolina in 1785-1786, ed., Louis B. Wright and Marion Tingling, (San Marino, CA: Huntington Library, 1943), 208.

12. Order-Combs, 25 April 1771, Wallace, Davidson & Johnson, 20; Invoice of goods to S: & Campbell, Henry Fitzhugh Letter Book, 1746-1774, Special Collections Department, William R. Perkins Library, Duke University, 74.

13. Order-Flowers, August 1771, Order-Jewellery of Gosling, 20 March 1772, Wallace, Davidson & Johnson, 44, 80; Inventory of Piscataway Store 1 January 1770, Piscataway Maryland, John Glassford & Company Records, 1753-1844, MssD, Library of Congress, 4.

14. Invoice from Liverpool, July 1759, Papers of the Jones Family, Northumberland County, Virginia, 1749-1810, Roger Jones Family Papers, 1649-1896, MssD, LC., item 1617.

15. Advertisement of Thomas Clendinning, Virginia Gazette, May 1745.

16. Order to Messrs Perkins & Co., 6 October 1772, Charles Carroll Letter-Book 1771-1833, Arents Tobacco Collection, No. S0767, Rare Book Collection, New York Public Library, (microfilm, Maryland Historical Society).

17. “Order Consigned to James Glassford, March 31, 1761, Box 112,” Neil Jamieson Papers, Reel 5, MssD., LC.

18. “Recollections of John Mason,” transcribed by Terry Dunn & Estella Bryans-Munson, Gunston Hall Plantation Library and Archives, 1989; revised, 1999, 10-11.

19. George Mason to George Washington, 23 April 1769, Papers of George Mason, 1:102; an additional intriguing possible reference is found in the Williamsburg account book of Richard Charlton. Twice in the fall of 1769 and again in 1770, Charlton recorded charges for dying and dressing wigs for “George Mason.” At this time it has not been determined to which George Mason the reference refer.

20. Col. Geo. Mason, DR., 23 August 1766, Piscataway, Maryland, Ledger 1766, John Glassford & Company Records, 1753-1844, MssD., LC., 38.

21. Order-Cutlery, 25 April 1771, Wallace, Davidson & Johnson, 3.

22. Order-[Cutlery?], 20 March 1772, Wallace, Davidson & Johnson, 91.

23. “Invoice of Goods to Be Shipt . . . for Messr. Jerdone & Holt in Virginia,” 15 May 1771, Folder 39, Norton.

24. Recollections, 11.

25. Martha Gandy Fales, Jewelry in America 1600-1900 (Woodbridge, Suffolk, England: Antique Collectors Club, 1995), 23.

26. Order-Jewellery, 26 November 1771, Wallace, Davidson & Johnson, 54.

27. John Davidson p Letter 14 September 1772, Wallace, Davidson & Johnson, 102.

28. John Davidson P Letter 16 July 1773, Wallace, Davidson & Johnsonn, 154.

29. George Mason, Esq'r DR, August 26, 1766, R8-C24, Piscataway Ledger 1766 and Col. Geo. Mason, Esqr., August 5, 1757, Piscataway, Maryland Ledger 1767, R9, C25, Glassford.

30. George Mason to George Washington, 23 April 1769, Papers of George Mason, 102; 26 July 1767, Colo. George Mason . . . Dr., Vol. 1, Accounts and Financial Records of Mt. Vernon, Financial Papers 1750-96, George Washington Papers, MssD., LC. (Presidential Papers microfilm series no. 115 & 116), 61.

31. Last Will and Testament of George Mason, 20 March 1773, Papers of George Mason, 1:160.

32. Sarah Eilbeck, Will, 18 December 1780, Wills, Liber AF, No. 7, Charles County, MD, 582-585, 578.

33. See the Object and Masoniana files at Gunston Hall for more detailed descriptions and histories of these items.

34. “Diary of Frances Baylor Hill, of Hillsborough, King and Queen County, Virginia, (1797),” ed. William K. Bottorff and Roy C. Flannaga, typescript, [Ohio University, n.d.], Wednesday 3 May 1797, ts. 74-75.

35. Charles Carroll of Carrolton P Letter 17 October 1773, Order-Medicine, Wallace, Davidson & Johnson, 165.

36. Robert Carter Day Book, Vol. 13, 1776, [DK 13b2], Special Collections Department, William R. Perkins Library, Duke University, ts. 198.

37. See for example, in the Papers of George Mason, the following letters: George Mason to Benjamin Harrison, 24 October 1780, 2:677; George Mason to George Mason, Jr., 8 January 1783, 2:757; George Mason to Martin Cockburn, January 1784, 2:791; George Mason to John Mason, 14 May 1789, 3:1148. For a discussion of 18th-century views and treatments for gout, see: Roy Porter and G.S. Rouseau, Gout: the Patrician Malady (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998).

38. Invoice of Sundries from John De Neufville & Son, Papers of George Mason, 2: 667, 668.

39. Stephen Collins to Jonathan Armory [?], 26 December 1776, Stephen Collins Letterbook, 1776-1777, Container 59, Stephen Collins & Son, MssD., LC.

40. 28 September 1760, George Washington Papers, [57].

41. Frances Norton Mason, ed., John Norton & Sons, Merchants of London and Virginia (Richmond, VA: The Dietz Press, 1937), 211-212.

42. George Walker to Messrs Huie Reid & Co., 7 March 1788, Folder 1788, Huie, Reid & Company, Dumfries, Virginia, MssD, LC, 130.

43. Dr Mr. Benja. Sebastion, 28 June 1766, Vol. 1, Series 5, George Washington Papers., 235.

44. Md. Gaz., 5 September 1757.

45. Advertisement of William Savory, Md. Gaz., 20 April 1758.

46. 19 February 1775, Vol. 13, Day Book-1773-1776, Robert Carter Papers, Special Collections, Perkins Library, Duke University.

47. Order of Robert Carter to Samual Athawes of London, 16 May 1786, [DK-7(A1-C1)], Vol 7, Letter Book- 1785-1787, Robert Carter Papers, Duke University.

48. Note: All seals listed separately from watches are found in the Personal-writing.

49. Papers of George Mason, 1:151.

50. Papers of George Mason, 2:760.

51. “Twenty Dollars Reward” Sarah B. Mason, Alexandria Advertiser, 1 September 1801.

52. 23 December 1791, Papers of George Mason, 3:1251.

53. “Seals -Coats of Arms,” Masoniana File, Gunston Hall.

54. Alexandria Gazette, 14 October 1852.

55. “Seals-Coats of Arms,” Masoniana File, Gunston Hall.

56. Order-Cutlery, 25 April 1771, Wallace, Davidson & Johnson, 3; Order-Snuff and Order-Pipes, ibid., August 1771, 37, 46; Order-Snuff, Order-Cutlery, ibid., 26 November 1771, 51, 57; Order-Jewellery of Gosling and Order-Cutlery [?], ibid., 20 March 1772, 81, 92; Order- Snuff and Order-Jewelry & Cutlery, 26 October 1772, ibid., 109, 118. Note these items listed are a sample tobacco related items in the Wallace, Davidson & Johnson Order Book.

57. “Account and Letter books of Dr. Charles Carroll,” MHM, 23 (June 1928): 174.

58. “Extracts from Carroll Papers, MHM, 10 (June 1915): 152; “Extracts from Carroll Papers”, ibid., 10 (September 1915): 240.

59. 27 March 1759, Ledger, 1758-1760 Ledger, Quantico (Colchester), Glassford; Col. George Mason, Esq'r DR 27 August 1766, Piscataway, Maryland Store Ledger 1766-67, Glassford; 8 January 1783, Papers of George Mason, 3:760.

60. Order-Stationary, 25 April 1771, Wallace, Davidson & Johnson, 7, 8.

61. “Invoice of Goods . . . consigned to Littleton Savage Mercht, Northampton County, Virginia,” 4 September 1772, Folder 74, PH-23, Norton.

62. For specific instances see the Index entry for “Writing Materials, Jones Family.”

63. See the purchases from the Glassford stores in Quantico (Colchester Store?) In 1758/9; in Piscataway in 1766; also purchased from Jenifer & Hooe, 177[5/6] and from De Neufville & Sons, 1780.

64. 26 August 1766, Ledger Piscataway Maryland 1766, Glassford.

65. 26 August 1766, Ledger Piscataway Maryland, Glassford; “Invoice of Sundries Shipped . . .” Papers of George Mason, 2:667.

© Gunston Hall Plantation 2002